EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW
Rafael Correa: Lack of regional support was āpainfulā

Former President Rafael Correa of Ecuador. Photo: Danilo Verpa/Folhapress
Rafael Correa, Ecuadorās former two-term president and the most prominent figure on the countryās left, has lived in exile in Belgium since leaving office in 2017. He faces an eight-year prison sentence for corruption and would be arrested if he returned home. Correa insists his conviction was politically motivated, claiming it was the product of a judiciary swayed by a country that has veered rightward since his election loss.
From abroad, Correa has tried ā and failed āĀ to orchestrate a political comeback by proxy. His latest setback on April 13 was particularly painful, when President Daniel Noboa won re-election against Correaās ally, Luisa GonzĆ”lez, by a comfortable 56-44 margin, defying polls that had forecast a tight race.
š Why it matters. Correaās team reacted to the defeat by denouncing fraud, pointing to a state of emergency declaration in the build-up to the vote and arguing that authorities handed out unauthorized pens with ink that could be erased by special chemical components after voters filled out their runoff ballots.
That claim was based on a report from Organization of American States (OAS) observers, which stated that a few ballots had ink stains that caused some confusion during the count. But the OAS later stated that in no way could this have explained Noboaās winning margin, specifying that only a few incidents of this kind took place and that all of them were adequately resolved. Correaās allegations remain unproven.
In an exclusive interview with The Brazilian Report, the former president remained adamant about his fraud claims and discussed regional allies from Brazilās Lula to Venezuelaās NicolĆ”s Maduro, as well as the future of CorreĆsmo without Correa.
This interview was edited for brevity and clarity.

From your point of view, what happened during the electoral process?
They stole the election from us. We are facing an economic crisis, an energy crisis, a security crisis, a constitutional crisis, the vice president was removed on a whim and [Noboa] appointed a new vice president by decree. Basic public services donāt work, vaccines are missing and corruption is everywhere. Yet people still voted [for Noboa]? People are not stupid.
We were the winners on Sunday, April 13, but the process was full of irregularities. In any country with an independent electoral authority, a third of what happened would have been enough to disqualify Noboa.
His entire cabinet campaigned by handing out agricultural kits, medicine, food and stoves to people. Thatās vote buying, and itās illegal. They handed out billions in bonuses. They promised young people jobs in the Eco-Desarrollo program. That alone should have nullified the election and led to his prosecution.
Noboa shouldnāt even have been allowed to run, as he owns property through offshore companies, contrary to Ecuadorian law. They disqualified [indigenous candidate] Yaku PĆ©rez, claiming he had state contracts. But not Noboa, even though it was proven that he had offshore holdings.
His victory was mathematically impossible. One expert analyzed how votes from candidates who didnāt make the runoff are usually distributed. The average in second-round elections is that the winner gets 60% of those votes. Noboa supposedly got 90%.
Electorally, we made an alliance with the third-place party, the indigenous movement. Even if half of their supporters betrayed the deal or didnāt follow their leaders, we should have gained at least some votes. But we barely won any new votes in the second round.
All the polls showed a tie. You can misjudge an election, you might think you won by 2 points and end up losing by 2, but you donāt think you won and then lose by 11 points. Thatās just impossible.
How did you receive the news that leftist presidents like Lula in Brazil or Chileās Gabriel Boric congratulated Noboa and didnāt acknowledge your fraud claims?
Very badly. If Lula had been the one running and had lost under these conditions, I swear they would have said: āWe donāt recognize the results, there was fraud.ā At the very least, I would have expected them to wait. I would have waited if I were still president and my trusted allies werenāt recognizing the results.
Did that hurt you?
Itās painful. Boric, for instance, was the quickest to recognize Noboa, but also the quickest not to recognize the results in Venezuela.Ā
Do you feel betrayed by the Latin American left?
By Boric? No. But Lula? Itās more concerning. I get it, though. Brazil is such a large, institutionalized country. I remember Fidel Castro used to say: āBrazil is the only country in the world governed by a single building, and thatās Itamaraty [the headquarters of Brazilās Foreign Affairs Ministry].āĀ
So Iām sure Lula got bad information. [Colombian President Gustavo] Petro didnāt stand with us either, but [Mexican President] Claudia Sheinbaum did. Even if we donāt have diplomatic relations with Mexico, she hasnāt recognized the results.
We feel alone in this. Thereās a clear double standard. When fraud happens in Venezuela: āDonāt recognize Maduro, heās a dictator.ā But when it happens in Ecuador, nothing. Nothing at all. If even a tenth of this had happened with me as president, they wouldāve taken me to the International Criminal Court. They wouldāve called in UN peacekeepers.
Your movement has been defeated in the last three elections. Some would say this is proof that CorreĆsmo has hit its ceiling, that your movement canāt go further. How do you respond to that?
The trend was already reversed by the April 13 runoff. But still, what we achieved is exceptional. We reached the second round three times in a row, despite eight years of reputational assassination, with our leaders banned, exiled, persecuted, imprisoned. With the entire media mafia against us. They control everything. And weāre still the strongest party, still making the final round.Ā
In the 1970s, the communists were killed and disappeared. We are killed reputationally, sentenced in corruption cases based on false testimonies and forged evidence.
Yes, we made mistakes. But under the circumstances, itās extraordinary. The real question should be: how has CorreĆsmo survived? With all theyāve done to us, any other political movement wouldāve folded.
Do you think a political turnaround depends on you returning to Ecuador and running as a candidate?
Of course my presence carries weight. Thatās why they convicted me. The day after the sentence, I was due to register as a candidate. I would have had political immunity as a vice presidential or assembly candidate if I had registered. I could have returned to Ecuador, and nothing could have been done.
In Brazil, the Workersā Party (PT) tried to propel Fernando Haddad as a Lula successor, but it failed. Thereās a theory that when Lula steps away from politics, the party will continue to lose ground. Do you think this model, based on strong leaders, is getting exhausted in Latin America?
When everything revolves around a single leader, the process suffers. But we tend to demonize leadership. Strong leadership is an enormous help. Lula, for instance: you canāt just sweep him under the rug. He shines through.Ā
You ask what will become of the PT after Lula, but what would the PT be without him? Most of the partyās progress has come thanks to him. The task of PT militants is to preserve that strength when Lula is no longer around. And I believe Lula has sown a lot of seeds. Hopefully, a new leader will emerge, but we should not demonize leadership.
The Founding Fathers were leaders in their own right. And even in the 20th century, wasn't Franklin Delano Roosevelt elected four times? He died in office. So, should we demonize that kind of leadership? No. We need to know how to use it wisely.
Itās obvious, though, that we must prepare for the moment when the leader is no longer there, so that the momentum can continue. Thatās the task for the rest of us. But it doesnāt mean that strong leadership is somehow bad.
Many left-leaning leaders in Latin America have criticized Maduroās re-election in Venezuela. If you were president, would you have sided with these leaders, like Lula, in pressuring Maduro?
I would have asked Maduro to open the ballot boxes. I would have proposed an agreement, yes. But thereās a lot of hypocrisy. Maduro has been crucified for far less than what others have done.
Did Maduro raid an embassy? Did he arrest a refugee?1 No. But Venezuela is labeled a dictatorship, and Ecuador isnāt? Thatās what really bothers me, the double standards.
The economic blockade on Venezuela should be lifted. Then, letās all demand elections, perhaps in a year or two, to give the economy time to recover. But letās not be hypocrites. They crippled the Venezuelan economy. They slashed its GDP to one-sixth of what it was. They turned a rich country into a poor one.
And during the elections themselves, thereās an open threat: āIf Maduro wins, Iāll topple you. If he loses, weāll help.ā And then they say the results arenāt legitimate. Thatās not democracy. Thatās pure hypocrisy.
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FOOTNOTE
1 In March 2023, Ecuadorian forces stormed Mexicoās embassy in Quito to arrest former Vice President Jorge Glas āĀ a move repudiated by heads of state across the political spectrum.
QUESTION OF THE WEEK
Last week, we asked how long Manuel Merino clung to the Peruvian presidency during the 2020 crisis. The answer is 5 days. How you answered:
šØā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļø 253 days
š©š©š©š©š©š© 5 days
ā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļøā¬ļø 29 days
š©š©š©š©š©š© 17 hours







